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By Eric Freedman, Richard Shafer

From Czarism and Bolshevism to the present post-communist period, the media in imperative Asia has been tightly limited. notwithstanding the governments within the area assert loose press is authorized to function, examine has proven this to be unfaithful. In all 5 former Soviet republics of significant Asia, the media has been managed, suppressed, punished, and infrequently outlawed. This enlightening choice of essays investigates the explanations why those nations have didn't strengthen autonomous and sustainable press platforms. It files the advanced courting among the clicking and governance, nation-building, nationwide id, and public coverage. during this ebook, students discover the various and broad-reaching implications of media keep watch over in quite a few contexts, bearing on subject matters corresponding to net rules and censorship, press rights abuses, expert journalism criteria and self-censorship, media possession, ethnic newspapers, running a blog, Western broadcasting into the quarter, and insurance of terrorism.

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Extra info for After the Czars and Commissars: Journalism in Authoritarian Post-Soviet Central Asia

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Controlled the Agrarian and Civic Parties until their merger with the presidential Otan Party in 2007. According to Forbes, all three men were worth a little under $2 billion each in 2007. Ekspress-K newspaper, Irbis television station (which won rights to radio stations in eight cities as a result of the 2007 media tender) INNER CIRCLE Utemuratov, Bulat§ Shareholder in Turan Alem Bank and Narodnyi Bank, former shareholder in ATF Bank, Kazzink (zinc mining), Kazfosfat (phosphates). Forbes estimated Utemuratov’s net worth at $1 billion in 2008.

Said to have worked closely with the Ak Zhol Party, headed by political elite Alikhan Baimenov. 5 billion. None *Until 2001, Aliev was considered the president’s right hand and a potential successor. Aliev’s influence declined a er 2001, the result of a confrontation with the Ablyazov FPG and evidence that Aliev was plotting against the president and had posted compromising material about the president and his family on the Internet. †Utemuratov is sometimes listed as a member of the inner circle.

Central Asian journalists benefited from those policies as well, but in the waning years of Soviet control, political leaders in Central Asia “were especially angry with the new journalism, which they perceived as a threat to their power,” according to Brown, referring in particular to media exposure of corruption. Not surprisingly, the increased openness and move toward greater press freedoms under prime minister Mikhail Gorbechev’s policies of perestroika and glasnost did not last in the region: four years a er independence, Brown noted that the influence of glasnost in Central Asia had largely disappeared.

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